写作方法2019ft.com
愤怒时代的编辑工作
Editing in an age of outrage
导读
这篇 FT 文章从“愤怒时代如何编辑”切入，借争议人物稿件与网络舆论的案例，讨论编辑在言论自由、公共羞辱和给争议者平台之间的取舍。对写作者而言，它提醒我们：争议写作不只是表达观点，还要设计视角、边界和读者可能产生的道德联想。
可以直接用的写作要点
- 01
写争议人物或争议事件时，把指控者/对立面的经历与声音并列呈现，别让单方叙述被读成站队。
- 02
明确区分“给某人发言机会”与“认同其观点”，在导语、编者按或结构里把这条边界写清楚。
- 03
涉及公共羞辱时，先追问证据是否充分、惩罚是否成比例，再决定叙述语气和材料取舍。
- 04
记住“今天沉默你不喜欢的人，明天也会有人沉默你喜欢的人”，为表达空间留余地也是写作伦理。
HN 评论精选
网络羞辱缺乏证据与比例规则，传播力又把它放大成超级武器。
社会力量有两种：肉体暴力和名誉攻击（羞辱）。我们（尽管不完美）把国家建成暴力的垄断者，让暴力服从法治；这一事业成败争议很大，但至少有时有效（让一些本会在纯粹部落逻辑下被杀的无辜者免死，也让一些罪者在“偿还对社会欠债”后重新做人）。但我们从未真正为名誉攻击设想出对等的“法治”：既包括认识论上判断某人是否真的有罪，也包括比例上决定恰当的社会惩罚与救赎路径。互联网更极大地放大了名誉攻击的力量，好坏皆然：好处是真正的性侵犯更难换个地方继续作恶；坏处是被冤枉的人（包括较轻过错者）无法重新开始生活。即时全球传播像一件超级武器，仿佛一夜之间从长矛升级到空中轰炸。我坦白不知道如何为羞辱建立法治；这种现象自下而上、分布式的特性正是其长处，能灵活回应法律管不了的案件。
lukifer查看英文原文
There are two types of social force: physical violence, and attack on reputation (shaming). However imperfectly, we instantiated The State as a monopoly on violence, subjecting violent force to The Rule of Law; while the success of that enterprise is hotly contentious, it's fair to say it works at least sometimes (exonerating some innocents who might simply be killed under pure tribal dynamics; allowing some who are guilty to redeem themselves after "paying their debt to society"). But we've never really conceived of an equivalent "Rule of Law" for reputational attack: both epistemically, to decide whether someone is actually guilty, and proportionally, to decide what is the proper social punishment and the appropriate path to redemption. What's more, the internet has vastly increased the power of reputation attack, for better and worse: it's good that it's more difficult for an actual sexual predator to skip town and offend again, but bad that someone unjustly accused (including of lesser crimes) cannot restart their life. Instant world-wide communication has introduced a super-weapon, like going overnight from spears to aerial bombardment. I frankly have no idea how we would go about constructing a Rule of Law for shaming. The distributed, bottom-up nature of the phenomenon is one of its strengths, able to act nimbly to respond to cases that the Law cannot; and each person's ability to make their own assessment of the character of others (including outsourcing that intelligence to the crowd) is a non-negotiable component of individual freedom, the Liberal Enlightenment tradition, etc. But none of that changes the fact that every tweet can now carry the social equivalent of a tactical nuke. If we don't find a way to solve that problem, however imperfectly, we'll have to learn to live with a certain degree of unjust collateral damage, both to individuals and our social infrastructure.
压制不喜欢的言论，最终会危及所有人的表达空间。
“封杀我们不喜欢的人，会让别人更容易封杀我们喜欢的人。”我认为这就是文章的全部主旨，我完全赞同——无论来自政府还是网络暴民的言论压制，都有害于自由社会。
Aloha查看英文原文
"Silencing people we don’t like will make it easier for others to silence the people we do." I think this is the entire message of this article, and its one I wholeheartedly agree with too - suppression of speech, be it governmental or by internet mobs is detrimental to a free society.
争议稿件应并列呈现指控者视角，以区分平台与背书。
这句话说得好；不过在他这个具体案例里，Ian 如果把其中一名指控者的经历和 Ghomeshi 的文章一起刊发，也许对自己更有利。我很矛盾：我理解他的观点，也理解给 Ghomeshi 这种人平台的问题——有些人会把这解读为支持甚至背书。
RankingMember查看英文原文
> Silencing people we don’t like will make it easier for others to silence the people we do. Well-stated, though in his particular case I think Ian might've done himself a favor by publishing a piece by one of the accusers and their experience alongside the piece by Ghomeshi. I'm conflicted because I understand his point but I also understand the problem with giving someone in Ghomeshi's position a platform, which is that some will interpret it as a show of support for that person or even endorsement.
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